
Interesting. I have nothing to say about this book because it is exactly what it proclaims to be. I found some of the facts laid out in the book quite interesting, and a small handful insightful. There’s nothing particularly deep about the book, just facts that you already know, buttressed by statistics and vignettes.
Excerpts
At an Apple event in January 2010, Steve Jobs unveiled the iPad:
What this device does is extraordinary . . . It offers the best way to browse the web; way better than a laptop and way better than a smartphone . . . It’s an incredible experience . . . It’s phenomenal for mail; it’s a dream to type on.
For ninety minutes, Jobs explained why the iPad was the best way to look at photos, listen to music, take classes on iTunes U, browse Facebook, play games, and navigate thousands of apps. He believed everyone should own an iPad.
But he refused to let his kids use the device.
—
In late 2010, Jobs told New York Times journalist Nick Bilton that his children had never used the iPad. “We limit how much technology our kids use in the home.” Bilton discovered that other tech giants imposed similar restrictions. Chris Anderson, the former editor of Wired, enforced strict time limits on every device in his home, “because we have seen the dangers of technology firsthand.” His five children were never allowed to use screens in their bedrooms. Evan Williams, a founder of Blogger, Twitter, and Medium, bought hundreds of books for his two young sons, but refused to give them an iPad.
It seemed as if the people producing tech products were following the cardinal rule of drug dealing: never get high on your own supply.
This is unsettling. Why are the world’s greatest public technocrats also its greatest private technophobes? Can you imagine the outcry if religious leaders refused to let their children practice religion? Many experts both within and beyond the world of tech have shared similar perspectives with me. Several video game designers told me they avoided the notoriously addictive game World of Warcraft; an exercise addiction psychologist called fitness watches dangerous—“the dumbest things in the world”—and swore she’d never buy one; and the founder of an Internet addiction clinic told me she avoids gadgets newer than three years old. She has never used her phone’s ringer, and deliberately “misplaces” her phone so she isn’t tempted to check her email. (I spent two months trying to reach her by email, and succeeded only when she happened to pick up her office landline.) Her favorite computer game is Myst, released in 1993 when computers were still too clunky to handle video graphics. The only reason she was willing to play Myst, she told me, was because her computer froze every half hour and took forever to reboot.
Goals
When you approach life as a sequence of milestones to be achieved, you exist “in a state of near-continuous failure.” Almost all the time, by definition, you’re not at the place you’ve defined as embodying accomplishment or success. And should you get there, you’ll find you’ve lost the very thing that gave you a sense of purpose—so you’ll formulate a new goal and start again.
Reward & Motivation (Gambling)
Before Zeiler could change the world, he had to work out the best way to deliver rewards. One option was to reward every desirable behavior, in the same way that some factory workers are rewarded for every gadget they assemble. Another was to reward those same desirable behaviors on an unpredictable schedule, creating some of the mystery that encourages people to buy lottery tickets. The pigeons had been raised in the lab, so they knew the drill. Each one waddled up to a small button and pecked persistently, hoping that it would release a tray of Purina pigeon pellets. The pigeons were hungry, so these pellets were like manna. During some trials, Zeiler would program the button so it delivered food every time the pigeons pecked; during others, he programmed the button so it delivered food only some of the time. Sometimes the pigeons would peck in vain, the button would turn red, and they’d receive nothing but frustration.
When I first learned about Zeiler’s work, I expected the consistent schedule to work best. If the button doesn’t predict the arrival of food perfectly, the pigeon’s motivation to peck should decline, just as a factory worker’s motivation would decline if you only paid him for some of the gadgets he assembled. But that’s not what happened at all. Like tiny feathered gamblers, the pigeons pecked at the button more feverishly when it released food 50–70 percent of the time. (When Zeiler set the button to produce food only once in every ten pecks, the disheartened pigeons stopped responding altogether.) The results weren’t even close: they pecked almost twice as often when the reward wasn’t guaranteed. Their brains, it turned out, were releasing far more dopamine when the reward was unexpected than when it was predictable. Zeiler had documented an important fact about positive feedback: that less is often more. His pigeons were drawn to the mystery of mixed feedback just as humans are attracted to the uncertainty of gambling.
Thirty-seven years after Zeiler published his results, a team of Facebook web developers prepared to unleash a similar feedback experiment on hundreds of millions of humans. Facebook has the power to run human experiments on an unprecedented scale. The site already had two hundred million users at the time—a number that would triple over the next three years. The experiment took the form of a deceptively simple new feature called a “like” button. Anyone who has used Facebook knows how the button works: instead of wondering what other people think of your photos and status updates, you get real-time feedback as they click (or don’t click) a little blue-and-white thumbs-up button beneath whatever you post. (Facebook has since introduced other feedback buttons, so you’re able to communicate more complex emotions than simple liking.)
It’s hard to exaggerate how much the “like” button changed the psychology of Facebook use. What had begun as a passive way to track your friends’ lives was now deeply interactive, and with exactly the sort of unpredictable feedback that motivated Zeiler’s pigeons. Users were gambling every time they shared a photo, web link, or status update. A post with zero likes wasn’t just privately painful, but also a kind of public condemnation: either you didn’t have enough online friends, or, worse still, your online friends weren’t impressed. Like pigeons, we’re more driven to seek feedback when it isn’t guaranteed. Facebook was the first major social networking force to introduce the like button, but others now have similar functions. You can like and repost tweets on Twitter, pictures on Instagram, posts on Google+, columns on LinkedIn, and videos on YouTube.
The act of liking subsequently became the subject of etiquette debates. What did it mean to refrain from liking a friend’s post? If you liked every third post, was that an implicit condemnation of the other posts? Liking became a form of basic social support—the online equivalent of laughing at a friend’s joke in public. Likes became so valuable that they spawned a start-up called Lovematically. The app’s founder, Rameet Chawla, posted this introduction on its homepage:
It’s our generation’s crack cocaine. People are addicted. We experience withdrawals. We are so driven by this drug, getting just one hit elicits truly peculiar reactions.
I’m talking about Likes.
They’ve inconspicuously emerged as the first digital drug to dominate our culture.
In contrast to VR, the physical realm is a long series of losses punctuated by occasional wins. Gamers have to lose from time to time. A game that pays out all the time is no fun at all. When I met with David Goldhill, the C.E.O. of the Game Show Network, he told me a story that illustrates the surprising downsides of winning all the time. Goldhill is a natural storyteller. He radiates competence and reveals an uncanny command of any topic that comes up in conversation. We discussed my hometown, Sydney, and by the end of the conversation I was scribbling notes like a tourist. Goldhill’s story involved a gambler who wins all the time. “The guy thinks he’s in heaven because he wins every single bet. Eventually, though, he realizes that he’s in hell. It’s absolute torture.” The gambler’s been chasing wins all his life, and now that they’re arriving one after another his reason for existing is gone. Goldhill’s story illustrates why variable reinforcement is so powerful. Not because of the occasional wins, but because the experience of coming off a recent loss is deeply motivating.
The best part of any gamble may be the millisecond before the outcome reveals itself. This is the moment of maximum tension, when gamblers are primed to see a winning outcome. We know this from a clever experiment that two psychologists published in 2006. Emily Balcetis and Dave Dunning told a group of Cornell undergrads that they were participating in a juice taste test. Some of them would be lucky enough to try freshly squeezed orange juice, but others would drink a “gelatinous, chunky, green, foul-smelling, somewhat viscous concoction labeled as an ‘organic veggie smoothie.’” As the students inspected each beverage, the experimenter explained that a computer would randomly assign them to drink a tall glass of one or the other. Half the students were told that the computer would present a number if they were assigned to drink the appealing orange juice (and a letter if they were assigned to drink the sludge), while the other half were told the reverse, that the letter spelled salvation and the number spelled doom. The students sat at the computer and waited, a lot like the gamblers waiting for a slot machine to display its outcome.
Eighty-six percent of them rejoiced. The computer had come through with a win!
As you’ve probably gathered, the figure is neither a number nor a letter, but instead an ambiguous hybrid of the number 13 and a capital letter B. The students were so intent on seeing what they hoped to see that their brains resolved the ambiguous figure in their favor. The number thirteen popped out to those who hoped to see a number, and the letter B popped out to those who hoped to see a letter. This phenomenon, called motivated perception, happens automatically all the time. It’s usually hidden to us, but Balcetis and Dunning were clever enough to find a way to unmask the effect.
David Goldhill’s story shows us that gamblers hate to win all the time—but even more than that, they hate losing all the time. If hapless gamblers and gamers and Instagram users saw the world as it really is, they’d see that they lose most of the time. They’d recognize that a string of losses usually foretells more losses, rather than an approaching jackpot, and that the figure above is just as likely to be a letter as it is a number. To make matters worse, many games and gambling experiences are designed to get your hopes up by displaying near wins.
Punishment
Adam Saltsman, who produced an acclaimed indie game called Canabalt in 2009, has written extensively about the ethics of game design. “Predatory games are designed to abuse the way you’re wired,” Saltsman said. “Many of the predatory games of the past five years use what’s known as an energy system. You’re allowed to play the game for five minutes, and then you artificially run out of stuff to do. The game will send you an email in, say, four hours when you can start playing again.” I told Saltsman that the system sounded pretty good to me—it forces gamers to take breaks and encourages kids to do their homework between gaming sessions. But that’s where the predatory part comes in. According to Saltsman, “Game designers began to realize that players would pay one dollar to shorten the wait time, or to increase the amount of energy their avatar would have once the four-hour rest period had passed.” The game ensnares you, like penny auctions and Shubik’s Dollar Auction Game do, and manipulates you into waiting or paying. I came across this predatory device when playing a game called Trivia Crack. If you give the wrong answer several times, you run out of lives, and a dialogue screen gives you a choice: wait for an hour for more lives, or pay ninety-nine cents to continue immediately.
Many games hide these down-the-line charges. They’re free, at first, but later you’re forced to pay in-game fees to continue.
If you’re minutes or even hours deep into the game, the last thing you want to do is admit defeat. You have so much to lose, and your aversion to that sense of loss compels you to feed the machine just one more time, over and over again. You start playing because you want to have fun, but you continue playing because you want to avoid feeling unhappy.
Beginner’s Luck
Many game designers know that beginner’s luck is a powerful hook. Nick Yee, who has a doctorate in communication and studies how games affect players, has written about the role of early rewards in online role-playing games.
One of [the factors that attract people to online role-playing games] is the elaborate rewards cycle inherent in them that works like a carrot on a stick. Rewards are given very quickly in the beginning of the game. You kill a creature with 2–3 hits. You gain a level in 5–10 minutes. And you can gain crafting skill with very little failure. But the intervals between these rewards grow exponentially fairly quickly. Very soon, it takes 5 hours and then 20 hours of game time before you can gain a level. The game works by giving you instantaneous gratification upfront and leading you down a slippery slope.
The Burden of Choice
In the summer of 2014, eight psychologists published a paper in the influential journal Science about how people respond when given an opportunity to embrace ease. In one study they asked a group of undergraduate students to sit quietly for ten or twenty minutes. “Your goal,” they said, “is to entertain yourself with your thoughts as best you can. That is, your goal should be to have a pleasant experience, as opposed to spending the time focusing on everyday activities or negative things.” It’s hard to imagine a psychology experiment being less onerous. (The first experiment I ran, almost fifteen years ago, was designed to measure how people behaved when they were sad. I subjected one hundred students to the scene in The Champ where a young Ricky Schroder cries as his dad, played by Jon Voight, dies in his arms. The scene is regularly voted the “saddest scene in film,” and even the bubbliest students were upset when they left the lab. So asking people to sit quietly with their pleasant thoughts isn’t so bad.)
The experimenters added a twist to the experiment. They hooked the students up to a machine that administers electric shocks, and gave them a sample shock to show them that the experience of being shocked isn’t pleasant. It isn’t agonizing, but it sits somewhere between the pinch of a syringe needle and a bad toothache. Just before leaving the room, the experimenter told the students that the electric shock would be available while they were thinking quietly, that they could experience it again if they wanted to, but that “Whether you do so is completely up to you—it is your choice.”
One student—a male, in case you’re curious—shocked himself one hundred and ninety times. That’s once every six seconds, over and over, for twenty minutes. He was an outlier, but two thirds of all male students and about one in three female students shocked themselves at least once. Many shocked themselves more than once. They’d all experienced the sting of the shock before the experiment, so this wasn’t just curiosity. By their own admission in a questionnaire just minutes earlier they didn’t find the experience pleasant. So they preferred to endure the unpleasantness of a shock to the experience of sitting quietly with their thoughts. In the experimenters’ words, “most people prefer to be doing something rather than nothing, even if that something is negative.” As thirty thousand books tell us, we may be looking for an easier life on some level—but many of us prefer to break up a period of mild pleasantness with a dose of moderate hardship.
David Goldhill explained why some degree of hardship is essential. “People don’t understand why movie stars are often miserable,” Goldhill said. “Imagine getting the girl every night, and never paying for a meal. A game in which you always win, for most people, is boring.” The game Goldhill described sounds appealing on its surface, but it gets old fast. To some extent we all need losses and difficulties and challenges, because without them the thrill of success weakens gradually with each new victory. That’s why people spend precious chunks of free time doing difficult crosswords and climbing dangerous mountains—because the hardship of the challenge is far more compelling than knowing you’re going to succeed. This sense of hardship is an ingredient in many addictive experiences, including one of the most addictive simple games of all time: Tetris.
That year I saved up and ultimately bought a Game Boy, which is how I came to play Tetris for the first time. It wasn’t as glitzy as some of my other favorites, but like Pajitnov I played for hours at a time. Sometimes, as I drifted off to sleep, I’d imagine the blocks tumbling down to form completed rows—a remarkably common experience known as The Tetris Effect, which affects people who have played any animated game for long periods of time. Nintendo was smart to include the game with their new portable console, because it was easy to learn and very difficult to abandon. I assumed I’d grow tired of Tetris, but sometimes I still play the game today, more than twenty-five years later. It has longevity because it grows with you. It’s easy at first, but as you improve the game gets more difficult. The pieces fall from the top of the screen more quickly, and you have less time to react than you did when you were a novice. This escalation of difficulty is a critical hook that keeps the game engaging long after you’ve mastered its basic moves. Part of what makes this progression pleasurable is that your brain becomes more efficient as you improve. In fact, in 1991 the Guinness Book of Records recognized Tetris as “the first videogame to improve brain functioning and efficiency.” That claim was based on research by a psychiatrist named Richard Haier, who worked at the University of California.
Vygotsky explained that children learn best, and are most motivated, when the material they’re learning is just beyond the reach of their current abilities. In the classroom context, this means a teacher guides them to clear the hurdle presented by the task, but not so heavy-handedly that they feel their existing skills weren’t useful in reaching the task’s solution. Vygotsky called this the “zone of proximal development”.
Zone of proximal development
When adults play games, they aren’t led along by a teacher—but a well-designed game creates the illusion of being taught. (Remember the first level of Shigeru Miyamoto’s Super Mario Bros., which coached novice players through the game’s basics.) People who play Tetris, regardless of their abilities, spend most of their time in the zone of proximal development. Like Richard Haier’s subjects, they struggle with the game’s slowest level until they slowly develop a sense of mastery that allows them to play the second level, and then the third, and so on. The difficulty of the game escalates, but their abilities keep pace—or rather fall just short of mastering the most difficult level they’ve managed to attain.
The zone of proximal development is deeply motivating. You don’t just learn efficiently; you also enjoy the process. In 1990, a Hungarian psychologist named Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi published Flow, his classic book on the psychic benefits of mastering a challenge. (One of my professors told me to pronounce Csikszentmihalyi’s name as “chick-sent-me-high,” which I’ve always remembered.) Csikszentmihalyi had noticed that many artists became deeply embedded in the business of making art—so deeply that they allowed hours and hours to pass without feeling the need to eat or drink. As Csikszentmihalyi explained, when people experience flow—also known as entering the zone—they become so immersed in the task at hand that they lose track of time. Some report a sense of profound joy or rapture when they enter the zone; a rare, long-lasting euphoria that only seems to arise reliably in these rare situations characterized by challenges and the ability to just barely overcome those challenges. (As Csikszentmihalyi acknowledged, flow has been a major part of many Eastern philosophies and religions for centuries. His major contribution was to refine and translate the idea for a new audience.)
Flow—the channel that runs from the bottom left to the top right of the diagram—describes the experience of tackling a moderate challenge with the skill to master that challenge. Both ingredients are essential. If the challenge is high but you’re less skilled, you experience anxiety; if you’re skilled but the challenge is low, boredom.
In the context of gaming, anthropologist Natasha Dow Schüll calls this sensation the ludic loop—from the Latin ludere, for playful. You enter a ludic loop when, each time you enjoy the brief thrill of solving one element of a puzzle, a new and incomplete piece presents itself. The ludic loop can be found in challenging video games, difficult crosswords, repetitive but stimulating work tasks, slot machines that grant you low wins among many losses, and countless other immersive experiences. Ludic loops, like all flow experiences, are very powerful.
Cliffhangers
Aminibus veers off a mountain road and teeters on the edge of a cliff. The minibus is an empty shell without seating. Inside are eleven thieves and their pile of stolen gold. The men hug the back wall as the gold slowly slides away from them, tipping the minibus toward oblivion. One of the men crawls slowly toward the gold. The only sounds are his shuffling, the creaking minibus, and the whistling of alpine winds. He moves within two feet of the gold, but the bus tips farther forward and it slides beyond his reach. Then, he rolls onto his back, faces his companions, and says calmly: “Hang on a minute, lads. I’ve got a great idea.” The story ends.
In the summer of 1969, thousands of cinemagoers enjoyed the first ninety-four minutes of The Italian Job, but many hated this, the final ninety-fifth minute. In their own words, the ending was “ridiculous,” “pretentious garbage,” “horrible,” “crap,” “frustrating,” “not funny,” “without morals,” “without heart,” “a turkey,” “like a soft drink that’s gone flat,” “enjoyable maybe if you’ve had a lobotomy.” It takes a special ending to inspire this sort of vitriol, and that ending turns out to have been no ending at all: a literal and metaphorical cliffhanger. The problem here was that viewers had committed an hour and a half to the story, and like all humans they were wired for closure. If you’ve ever been denied a joke’s punchline, you’ll know that it’s better to hear no story at all than to hear all but the story’s final beat.